India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, arrived Tuesday at New York on a high-stakes mission at the nexus of great power rivalries among the Americans, Chinese, and Russians — on top of the rising importance of Indian-American voters.

Mr. Modi is not likely, when he sees President Biden at the White House on Thursday, to give up the neutrality he has maintained between Washington and Moscow, much less to endorse the defense of Ukraine, but he could prove to be open to arms and technology deals that would draw him away from Moscow. 

And for sure he will count on Washington’s unremitting support, in the form of transport planes and intelligence information, in border clashes against China while joining in the “quadrilateral security dialogue” known as Quad Four for defense all around China’s periphery. 

Despite the ambivalence of India’s foreign policy, Mr. Modi is getting the kind of recognition reserved for America’s closest friends and allies — a 21-gun salute at the White House before he meets Mr. Biden, an address before Congress, and a state dinner that evening. 

What’s going on here? The answer lies in part on the fact that America and India, population 1.4 billion, slightly ahead of China, have moved closer since Mr. Modi became prime minister in 2014. Then too, Mr. Biden has to recognize the importance of the 4.5 million Indian-Americans, who are turning out in unreserved pride over the Indian leader earning so much respect in Washington. 

Chants of “Modi, Modi, Modi,” reverberated around JFK Airport as Mr. Modi and his entourage stepped off their plane at the start of a visit at which Indian-Americans will likely be cheering him everywhere he goes before winding up Friday with a lunch hosted by Secretary of State Blinken at the State Department — and then a speech before an Indian-American crowd at Los Angeles.

“Several members of the Indian community were also seen carrying posters of PM Modi,” reported the Hindustan Times, one of India’s largest national newspapers, adding that one such man, “Minesh C Patel wore a jacket with PM Narendra Modi’s image printed on it.” 

Indian-Americans were also besieging the Lotte New York Palace Hotel where Mr. Modi is staying, waving Indian and American flags. The Press Trust of India reported one young Indian-American, with her parents, saying, “I came to meet PM Modi, and I am very excited.”

On Wednesday morning Mr. Modi leads a celebration of International Yoga Day on the north lawn of the United Nations headquarter — an exercise that Mr. Modi has said “embodies unity of mind and body, thought and action.“ 

On Thursday at Washington Mr. Modi is expected to explain to Mr. Biden and members of Congress the rationale for India’s policy on Russia and Ukraine. He seemed to be engaging in the double talk of which Indian leaders are often accused when, asked by the Wall Street Journal why India is not taking sides, he responded, “We are not neutral, we are on the side of peace.” 

The reasons for “the fanfare surrounding this trip” — Mr. Modi’s first state visit to Washington after seven previous visits to America — and some of the questions it raises are addressed in Foreign Affairs by an Indiana University professor, Sumit Ganguly, and a Stanford research fellow, Dinsha Mistree.

 “Such an enthusiastic reception is undoubtedly intended to reset relations with India,” the two scholars write, as “the U.S.-Indian relationship has not lived up to its potential in recent years.”

Their article credits U.S. officials with “waking up to the promises—and the limits—of a strong relationship with India” but complains “New Delhi continues to harbor a variety of misgivings about forging a genuine partnership with the United States.” 

Indian leaders, they say, are not all that enthusiastic about their country’s role in the Quad Four. “Despite ongoing clashes at the disputed border with China, India has resisted embracing its security partnership with Australia, Japan, and the United States” that is “designed to protect the Indo-Pacific from Chinese aggression.” 

In the short run, India has benefited from its relationship with Moscow. India now accounts for 18 percent of the export of Russian oil since the flow to NATO nations has slowed dramatically, and the Indian air force for decades has flown Russian MiG and Sukhoi planes. 

Yet “New Delhi’s relations with Moscow occupy a shrinking portion of Indian foreign policy,” say Messrs. Ganguly and Mistree. “In the long run, Russia’s growing dependence on China will make it an unreliable partner.” 

Clearly Washington is looking for a serious turn-around in Indian policy. Already, according to the Hindustan Times, Washington has approved the manufacture of F414 jet engines in India with a memorandum of understanding to be signed between General Electric and Hindustan Aeronautics. 

“This is the first time that the US will share what it called a ‘crown jewel’ in its defense capabilities with a non-ally,” said the paper. “It is the first time that there will be co-production of jet engines with a country with which Washington DC doesn’t have a treaty; it is also the first time that the US system is sharing a substantial share of sensitive jet engine technology with a provision for tech transfer ratio to increase.”