Perhaps a slight break in political coverage as we start the final charge to the midterm elections would not be unwelcome. Some newsworthy things are happening with several of America’s principal allies.

The new British prime minister, Elizabeth “Liz” Truss, is a clear shift to the right. The former prime minister, Boris Johnson, who retains a formidable following amongst the rank-and-file of British Conservatives, was a very successful mayor of London and almost solely resolved the Brexit crisis, the most serious that has faced the British parliament since the American Revolution.

A narrow public majority favored withdrawal from the European Union but a parliamentary majority opposed. The previous prime minister, Theresa May, presented proposals for Britain’s withdrawal from Europe that in fact consisted of remaining within it, and the proposals were unacceptable both to the British parliament and to the European Union.

Because of the connivance of a Remainer Conservative speaker of the House of Commons, Mr. Johnson, when he replaced Mrs. May, was unable for a time even to secure a new election, and Shakespeare’s fabled “sceptered Isle” floundered and waffled as if figuratively in heavy weather in the middle of the English Channel, between Euro-integration and traditional proud British insularity and its often special relationship with the United States and the senior members of the Commonwealth, Canada and Australia.

Mr. Johnson was highly effective in this critical situation and succeeded where others had failed. He recalled that his mentor, Margaret Thatcher, three-term Conservative prime minister between 1979 and 1990, had been pushed out by her own members of parliament for advocating a position on Europe gentler and more conciliatory than that which has now been embraced in a referendum and in general elections by the British public.

Mr. Johnson was also strong on Ukraine, but he was cock-a-hoop on an eco-mad assault on fossil fuels and effectively a red Tory in piling up social spending and then committing the mortal conservative sin of raising income taxes (a little like George H.W. Bush).

Ms. Truss has held several cabinet positions but none for long enough to build a particular record, but she ran as a straight-forward, plain-talking state school but Oxford University alumna from the middle of the middle class, with a slightly colorful romantic life and in policy terms and as a personality, stood firmly on the still magic coattails of Margaret Thatcher, the greatest Conservative vote-getter in British history.

The about-to-be prime minister is hawkish on Ukraine, well disposed to the United States and the old Commonwealth, and pledged to reduce government and lower taxes. She has also ordered resumption of fracking and other measures to end the war on fossil fuels and do whatever can be done to maintain sustainable energy prices without submitting to demeaning accommodations of Russia. It’s all good.

In Germany, there are uplifting signs that Europe’s most powerful country is growing into its natural role of responsible leadership of the continent for the first time since the immature Emperor Wilhelm II sacked the unifier of Germany and founder of the German Empire, Otto von Bismarck, in 1890.

Since then we have had the tragic bellicosity of the Kaiser (1890-1918), the meek and vulnerable confusion of the Weimar Republic (1919-1933), the unspeakable crimes and horrors of the Nazi Third Reich (1933-1945), and the gradually strengthening and generally sensible if somewhat timid Federal Republic, first in West Germany and for 30 years a united Germany.

The quality of government of the federal Republic has been high: Germany has retained its extreme aversion to inflation and has been careful not to be a domineering influence within the European Union. The strong German Mark is the core of the euro and the monetarily weaker states in the euro-zone, though they are to some extent a charge upon the German treasury, soften the euro, and facilitate the exportation of Germany’s world-renowned engineered products.

On February 27, three days after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the new German chancellor, Olaf Scholz, astonished Germany and all Europe with a speech in the Bundestag stating that henceforth Germany would fulfill its commitment to spend 2 percent of GDP on national defense, a goal it was only half-meeting in recent years.

Herr Scholz also designated energy a national security matter and promised to end dependence on Russian natural gas, apparently ending the great controversy over the Nord Stream II pipeline, and he stated that Germany would no longer engage in diplomacy merely for the sake of having civilized relations with other countries. For good measure he said that Germany would begin with a €100 billion defense buildup.

It was one of the purposeful moments in modern German history and signaled that Germany, in close cooperation with NATO and the European Union, would finally step to the forefront and lead Western Europe toward the just and principled assertion of its rightful place of geopolitical influence in the world. This will fill the last of the vacuum created by the military defeat, moral stigmatization, military occupation, and enforced division of Germany.

German affairs were affected for a long time by the truisms that it was a country too late unified, ambiguous about whether it was an eastern- or Western-facing nation, and unable to assure its own security without aggression against its neighbors. All that appears to have ended and the whole world will be better for it.

President Trump was correct when he accused the former chancellor, Angela Merkel, of leaving it to the United States and the British and French to defend Germany while she transformed her country into an energy vassal of Russia. Not all Germans appreciated the former president’s comments but they now seem to concur with them.

Next Saturday, Canada seems likely to elevate to the leadership of its Conservative party, the official opposition, an articulate, thoughtful, and politically effective young but experienced leader, Pierre Poilievre.

His campaign has been a thorough demolition of the pixie-like regime of Justin Trudeau, and the polls as well as the Canadian historical pattern of not giving either major party more than three consecutive elections indicate that Mr. Poilievre will likely be the next Canadian prime minister, though he may have to wait three years for an election. He would be a much more realistic and useful ally at the head of that government than the Western Alliance has had for some time.

On September 25, the general election in Italy may well be won by a 45-year-old woman sufficiently far to the right that she would regard Thatcherites as slightly soggy at the edges: Giorgia Meloni. Her opponents accuse her of fascist tendencies, which she persuasively denies. She shows few signs of excessive authoritarianism and though she is not noticeably fervent in her religious views, she is conservative in matters of family and abortion.

Of greater relevance to the West, Ms. Meloni is for a responsible, seriously governed Italy participating fully in the Western Alliance and exerting its maximum possible influence in favor of the sensible conservative policies that now appear to be emerging or being reinforced in the United Kingdom, Germany, and France, where the re-elected president, Emmanuel Macron, possibly in deference to the late election results, is governing from slightly to the right of center. And Canada will be along eventually.

All of the West will soon be waiting for the United States to put its house in order. So, it seems, are most Americans.