Strife Within Netanyahu’s Government Seems To Be Encouraging Israel’s Enemies

Reports that the prime minister is set to fire his defense minister widen Israeli political rift, and rile Washington.

AP/Ohad Zwigenberg
A firefighter works in the area around a fire after the Israeli military said a missile launched from Yemen landed in central Israel on September 15, 2024. AP/Ohad Zwigenberg

As Israel comes under increasing military pressure, the country’s internal divisions are growing. Will maneuvers such as a widely reported plan for a government shakeup weaken a steadily more isolated Jerusalem in its ability to address threats from Iran’s seven-front “ring of fire”?

Israeli press outlets are reporting that Prime Minister Netanyahu in the next few days will fire his defense minister, Yoav Gallant, and replace him with a leader of a small opposition faction, Gideon Saar. The reshuffle could alter Israel’s war strategy, but it also may amplify growing anti-Netanyahu emotions.  

Relations between the premier and his defense minister have long been strained. The Biden administration is said to trust Mr. Gallant, and is warning Mr. Netanyahu against firing him. On Monday, a White House Mideast adviser, Amos Hochstein, met with Messrs. Natanyahu and Gallant at Tel Aviv, even as his negotiations to end the war on the Israeli-Lebanese border seemed at a dead end.  

Lebanon-based Hezbollah, perhaps encouraged by reports on internal Israeli strife, is escalating attacks on northern Israel. The Yemen-based Houthis, meanwhile, launched a ballistic missile at Tel Aviv Sunday. The previously unseen projectile was intercepted with no casualties or property damage. Yet, Israelis at the heart of the country were forced to spend hours in shelters.

“The Houthis should have known by now that we are charging a heavy price for any attempt to harm us,” Mr. Netayahu said at the start of his Sunday cabinet meeting, adding, “those who need a reminder — welcome to visit Hodeida port.”

Following a ballistic missile attack on Tel Aviv in July, Israeli jets conducted their longest combat flight to date, hitting and burning down the strategic port of Hodeida, Yemen. It was seen as a warning not only to the Houthis, but also to Iran. 

President Pezeshkian of the Islamic Republic denied supplying missiles to the Houthis, Russia, or Hezbollah. Yet, he vowed to never abandon Iran’s missile program, and demanded the world “first disarm Israel.” Iran’s menace is likely to be central to Mr. Natnayhu’s upcoming speech at the United Nations, where he is headed next week. 

America has done little to deter Iran from missile development. Washington and Western European allies allowed a deadline to renew a United Nations-mandated embargo to slip by last October. The failure to “snap back” sanctions legalized Iran’s missile exports and imports, and revitalized its missile industry. 

As America enters the final stretch of the election campaign, world affairs are becoming marginalized in favor of domestic issues. Israel senses isolation even as its enemies are seemingly emboldened. Under Tehran’s auspices, Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, as well as various militias in the West Bank, Syria, and Iraq, are increasingly coordinating their attacks against Israel.  

Yet, Israelis “aren’t rallying around the flag,” a widely followed commentator, Shmuel Rosner, lamented on a Kan television program Monday. Rather, he said, political and social divisions are deepening. He blamed what he sees as Mr. Netanyahu’s lack of a clear strategy to win the war. 

On Sunday, Israel Defense Force leaflets were dropped over southern Lebanon, urging villagers to evacuate their homes pending a ground operation there. Yet, the warning later proved premature, and the IDF commander who ordered their distribution is facing disciplinary measures. 

As Mr. Netanayhu’s rift with his defense minister grows, his administration is leaking to reporters that Mr. Gallant opposes widening military operations in Lebanon. Mr. Gallant, on the other hand, is telling Mr. Hochstein that he no longer sees a diplomatic solution to Hezbollah’s presence at the border, and that war there is inevitable.

Mr. Netanyahu announced his intention to fire Mr. Gallant last year, after the defense minister publicly criticized a government attempt to overhaul the judiciary. Protesters flooded Tel Aviv streets and in an about-face Mr. Netanyahu decided to keep Mr. Gallant in place. Some Israelis predict similar unrest if Mr. Netayahu does fire him. 

Mr. Sa’ar, the top candidate to be the next defense minister, also has had a complicated relationship with the premier. A former Likud rising star, he had challenged Mr. Netanayhu for the party leadership. Following a primary loss, he founded a small political faction, and vowed to never again cooperate with Mr. Netanyahu.

After October 7, though, Mr. Sa’ar joined a unity government, which he bolted in March — once again blaming the premier for shortcomings in leading the war effort. In the last two weeks he reportedly conducted secret negotiations to widen the ruling coalition, seeking Mr. Gallant’s defense portfolio. 

Mr. Netanayhu’s fiercest opponents cite Mr. Sa’ar’s zigzagging as proof that political survival, rather than the good of the country, top his — and Mr. Netanayhu’s — calculations. They also say that replacing a defense minister while war is raging will weaken Israel. 

Yet, the same critics also demand an election be conducted now in the hope of unseating Mr. Netanyahu. Iran and its proxies seem to relish Israel’s never-ending internal battles.


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